|
Medieval Times
It would be hard to say whether the Age of the
Saints, le moyen �ge �norme et d�licat, has suffered
more at the hands of friends or foes. It is at least
certain that the medieval period affects those who
approach it in the manner of a powerful personality
who may awaken love or hatred, but cannot be passed
over with indifference. When the contempt of the
eighteenth century for the subject, the result of
that century's lack of historic imagination, was
thawed by the somewhat rhetorical enthusiasm of
Chateaubriand and of the Romanticists beyond the
Rhine, hostility gave place to an undiscriminating
admiration. The shadows fell out of the picture; the
medieval time became a golden age when heaven and
earth visibly mingled, when Christian society reached
the zenith of perfection which constituted it a model
for all succeeding ages.
Then came the German professors with all the
paraphernalia of scientific history, and, looking
through their instruments, we, who are not Germans,
have come to take a more critical and, perhaps, a
juster view of the matter. The Germans, too, have had
disciples of other nations, and though conclusions on
special points may differ, in every country now at a
certain level of education, the same views prevail as
to the principles on which historical investigation
should be conducted. And yet, while no one with a
reputation to lose would venture on any personal
heresy as to the standards of legitimate evidence,
the same facts still seem to lead different minds to
differing appreciations. For history, written solely
ad narrandum, is not history; the historian's task is
not over when he has disinterred facts and
established dates: it is then that the most delicate
part of his work begins.
History, to be worthy of the name, must produce
the illusion of living men and women, and, in order
to do this successfully, must be based, not only upon
insight into human nature in general, but also upon
personal appreciation of the particular men and women
engaged in the episodes with which it deals. With
facts as such, there can indeed be no tampering; but
for the determination of their significance, of their
value, as illustrative of a course of policy or of
the character of those who were responsible for their
occurrence, we have to depend in great measure on the
personality of the historian. It is evident that a
man who lacks the sympathetic power to enter into the
character that he attempts to delineate, will hardly
be able to make that character live for us. For in
Art as well as Life, sympathy is power.
Now, while this is true of all history whatever,
it is perhaps truer of the history of the middle ages
than of that of any more recent period, nor is the
reason of this far to seek. The middle ages were a
period fruitful in great individuals who molded
society, to an extent that perhaps no succeeding
period has been. In modern times the formula, an
abstraction such as "Capital" or the "Rights of Man"
has largely taken the place of the individual as a
plastic force. The one great Tyrant of the nineteenth
century found his opportunity in the anarchy which
followed the French Revolution. The spoil was then
necessarily to the strong. But even Napoleon was
conquered at last rather by a conspiracy of the
slowly developing anonymous forces of his time than
by the superior skill or strength of an individual
rival. The lion could hardly have been caught in such
meshes in the trecento. Then, the fate of populations
was bound up with the animosities of princes, and, in
order to understand the state of Europe at any
particular moment of that period, it is necessary to
understand the state of soul of the individuals who
happened, at the time, to be the political
stakeholders.
It must not be thought, however, that the personality
of the prince was the only power in the medieval
state, for the prince himself was held to be
ultimately amenable to an idea, which so infinitely
transcended earthly distinctions as to level them all
in relation to itself. Religion was in those days a
mental and social force which we, in spite of the
petulant acerbity of modern theological
controversies, have difficulty in realizing. Prince
and serf would one day appear as suppliants before
the Judgment-seat of Christ, and the theory of
medieval Christianity was considerably in favor of
the serf.
The Father of Christendom, at once Priest and
King, anointed and consecrated as the social exponent
of the Divine Justice, could not, in his own person,
escape its rigors, but must, one day, render an
account of his stewardship. Nor did the medieval
mind, distinguishing between the office and the
individual, by any means shrink from contemplating
the fate of the faithless steward. In a "Last
Judgment" by Angelico at Florence, the ministers of
justice seem to have a special joy in hurrying off to
the pit popes and cardinals and other ecclesiastics.
For it is an insufficient criticism that has led
some to suppose that the medieval Church weighed on
the conscience of Christendom solely, or even
primarily, as an arbitrary fact: that the priesthood,
aided by the ignorance of the people, succeeded in
establishing a monstrous claim to control the
destinies of the soul by quasi-magical agencies and
the powers of excommunication. Nothing can be further
from the truth. Probably at no period has the
Christian conscience realized more profoundly that
the whole external fabric of Catholicism, its
sacraments, its priesthood, its discipline, was but
the phenomenal expression, necessary and sacred in
its place, of the Idea of Christianity, that the
vitality of that Idea was the life by which the
Church lived, and that by that Idea all Christians,
priests as well as laymen, rulers as well as
subjects, would at the last be judged.
When Savonarola replied to the Papal Legate, who,
in his confusion, committed the blunder of adding to
the formula of excommunication from the Church
Militant, a sentence of exclusion from the Church
Triumphant, "You cannot do it," he was in the
tradition of medieval orthodoxy. Moreover, even
though the strict logic of her theory might have
required it, the hierarchical Church was not
considered as the sole manifestation of the Divine
Will to Christendom. The unanimity with which the
Christian idea was accepted in those times made the
saint a well-known type of human character just as
nowadays we have the millionaire or the
philanthropist.
Now the saint, although under the same
ecclesiastical dispensation as other Christians, was
conceived to have his own special relations with God,
which amounted almost to a personal revelation. In
particular he was held to be exempt from many of the
limitations of fallen humanity. His prayers were of
certain efficacy; the customary uniformities of
experience were thought to be constantly transcended
by the power that dwelt within him; he was often
accepted by the people as the bearer to Christendom
of a Divine message over and above the revelation of
which the hierarchy was the legitimate guardian. Not
infrequently indeed that message was one of warning
or correction to the hierarchy.
Sabatier points out truly that the medieval saints
occupied much the same relation to the ecclesiastical
system as the Prophets of Israel had done, under the
older dispensation, to the Jewish Priesthood. They
came out of their hermitages or cloisters, and with
lips touched by coal from the altar denounced
iniquity wherever they found it, even in the highest
places. It is needless to say that they were not
revolutionaries -- had they been so indeed the state
of Europe might have been very different today; for
them, as for other Christians, the organization of
the Church was Divine; it was by the sacred
responsibilities of his office that they judged the
unworthy pastor.
An apt illustration of this attitude occurs in the
life of the Blessed Colomba of Rieti. Colomba, who
was a simple peasant, was called to the unusual
vocation of preaching. The local representatives of
the Holy Office, alarmed at the novelty, imprisoned
her and took the opportunity of a visit of Alexander
VI. to the neighboring town of Perugia to bring her
before his Holiness for examination. When the saint
was brought into the Pope's presence, she reverently
kissed the hem of his garment, and, being overcome
with devotion at the sight of the Vicar of Christ,
fell into an ecstasy, during which she invoked the
Divine judgment on the sins of Rodrigo Borgia. It was
useless to attempt to stop her; she was beyond the
control of inquisitor or guards; the Pope had to hear
her out. He did so; proclaimed her complete
orthodoxy, and set her free with every mark of
reverence. In this highly characteristic episode
scholastic logic appears, for once, to have been
justified, at perilous odds, of her children. . . .
* * *
About Siena
Midway between sky and earth hangs a City
Beautiful: Siena, Vetus Civitas Virginis. The town
seems to have descended as a bride from airy regions,
and lightly settled on the summits of three hills
which it crowns with domes and clustering towers. As
seen from the vineyards which clothe the slopes of
the hills or with its crenellated wall and
slender-necked Campanile silhouetted against the
evening sky from the neighboring heights of Belcaro,
the city is familiar to students of the early Italian
painters. It forms the fantastic and solemn
background of many a masterpiece of the trecentisti,
and seems the only possible home, if home they can
have on earth, of the glorified persons who occupy
the foreground. It would create no surprise to come,
while walking round the ancient walls, suddenly, at a
turn in the road, on one of the sacred groups so
familiarly recurrent to the memory in such an
environment: often indeed one experiences a curious
illusion when a passing friar happens for a moment to
"compose" with cypress and crumbling archway.
Siena, once the successful rival of Florence in
commerce, war, and politics, has, fortunately for the
more vital interests which it represents, long
desisted from such minor matters. Its worldly ruin
has been complete for more than five hundred years;
in truth the town has never recovered from the plague
which, in the far-off days of 1348, carried off
80,000 of its population. Grassy mounds within the
city walls mark the shrinking of the town since the
date of their erection, and Mr. Murray gives its
present population at less than 23,000. The free
Ghibelline Republic which, on that memorable 4th of
September 1260, defeated, with the help of Pisa, at
Monte Aperto, the combined forces of the Guelf party
in Tuscany, has now, after centuries of servitude to
Spaniard and Austrian, to be content with the
somewhat pinchbeck dignity of an Italian Prefettura.
At least the architectural degradation which has
overtaken Florence at the hands of her modern rulers
has been as yet, in great measure, spared to Siena.
Even the railway has had the grace to conceal its
presence in the folds of olive which enwrap the base
of the hill on which the city is set.
Once inside the rose-colored walls, as we pass up
the narrow, roughly paved streets between lines of
palaces, some grim and massive like Casa Tolomei,
built in 1205, others delicate specimens of Italian
Gothic like the Palazzo Saracini, others again
illustrating the combination of grace and strength
which marked the domestic architecture of the
Renaissance at its prime, like the Palazzo
Piccolomini, we find ourselves in a world very remote
indeed from anything with which the experience of our
own utilitarian century makes us familiar.
And yet, as we rub our eyes, unmistakably a world
of facts, though of facts, as it were, visibly
interpreted by the deeper truth of an art whose
insistent presence is on all sides of us. Here is
Casa Tolomei, a huge cube of rough-hewn stone stained
to the color of tarnished silver with age, once the
home of that Madonna Pia whose story lives forever in
the verse of Dante. Who shall distinguish between her
actual tale of days and the immortal life given her
by the poet? In her moment of suffering at least she
has been made eternal.
And not far from that ancient fortress-home, in a
winding alley that can hardly be called a street, is
another house of medieval Siena -- no palace this
time, but a small tradesman's dwelling. In the
fourteenth century it belonged to Set Giacomo
Benincasa, a dyer. Part of it has now been converted
into a chapel, over the door of which are inscribed
the words: Sponsae Xti Katerinae Domus.
Here, on March 5, 1347, being Palm Sunday, was
born Giacomo's daughter Caterina, who still lives one
of the purest glories of the Christian Church under
the name of St. Catherine of Siena. More than 500
years have passed since the daughter of the Siennese
dyer entered into the rest of that sublime and
touching symbolism under which the Church half veils
and half reveals her teaching as to the destiny of
man. Another case, but how profoundly more
significant than that of poor Madonna Pia, of the
intertwining of the world of fact with the deeper
truth of art.
About St
Catherine
St. Catherine was born at the same time as a
twin-sister, who did not survive. Her parents,
Giacomo and Lapa Benincasa, were simple townspeople,
prosperous, and apparently deserving their reputation
for piety. Lapa, the daughter of one Mucio Piagenti,
a now wholly forgotten poet, bore twenty-five
children to her husband, of whom thirteen only appear
to have grown up. This large family lived together in
the manner still obtaining in Italy, in the little
house, till the death of Giacomo in 1368.
There are stirring pages enough in Christian
hagiology. Who can read unmoved of the struggles
towards his ideal of an Augustine or a Loyola, or of
the heroic courage of a Theresa, affirming against
all human odds the divinity of her mission, and
justifying, after years of labor, her incredible
assertions by the steadfastness of her will? There
are other pages in the lives of the saints, less
dramatic, it may be, but breathing, nevertheless, a
na�ve grace and poetry all their own: the childhood
of those servants of Christ who have borne His yoke
from the dawn of their days forms their charming
theme.
Here the blasting illuminations of the Revelation
are toned down to a soft and tender glow, in which
the curves and lines of natural humanity do but seem
more pathetically human. The hymn at Lauds for the
Feast of the Holy Innocents represents those
unconscious martyrs as playing with their palms and
crowns under the very altar of Heaven: --
"Vos prima Christi victima Grex immolatorum tener
Aram sub ipsam simplices Palma et coronis luditis!"
And so these other saintly babies play at hermits
or monasteries instead of the soldiers and
housekeeping beloved of more secular-minded infants.
Heaven condescends to their pious revels: we are told
of the Blessed Hermann Joseph, the Premonstratensian,
that his infantile sports were joyously shared by the
Divine Child Himself. He would be a morose pedant
indeed who should wish to rationalize this white
mythology. The tiny Catherine was no exception to the
rest of her canonized brothers and sisters. At the
age of five it was her custom on the staircase to
kneel and repeat a "Hail Mary" at each step, a
devotion so pleasing to the angels, that they would
frequently carry her up or down without letting her
feet touch the ground, much to the alarm of her
mother, who confided to Father Raymond of Capua, the
Dominican confessor of the family, her fears of an
accident.
Nor were these phenomena the only reward of her
infant piety. From the day that she could walk she
became very popular among her numerous relatives and
her parents' friends, who gave her the pet name of
Euphrosyne, to signify the grief-dispelling effect of
her conversation, and who were constantly inviting
her to their houses on some pretext or other. Sent
one morning on an errand to the house of her married
sister Bonaventura, she was favored with a beautiful
vision which, as it has an important symbolical
bearing on the great task of her after-life, I will
relate in Father Raymond's words, slightly abridging
their prolixity.
"So it happened that Catherine, being arrived at
the age of six, went one day with her brother
Stephen, who was a little older than herself, to the
house of their sister Bonaventura, who was married to
one Niccol�, as has been mentioned above, in order to
carry something or give some message from their
mother Lapa. Their mother's errand accomplished,
while they were on the way back from their sister's
house to their own and were passing along a certain
valley, called by the people Valle Piatta, the holy
child, lifting her eyes, saw on the opposite side
above the Church of the Preaching Friars a most
beautiful room, adorned with regal magnificence, in
which was seated, on an imperial throne, Jesus
Christ, the Savior of the world, clothed in
pontifical vestments, and wearing on His head a papal
tiara; with Him were the princes of the Apostles,
Peter and Paul, and the holy evangelist John.
"Astounded at such a sight, Catherine stood still,
and with fixed and immovable look, gazed, full of
love, on her Savior, who, appearing in so marvelous a
manner, in order sweetly to gain her love to Himself,
fixed on her the eyes of His Majesty, and, with a
tender smile, lifted over her His right hand, and,
making the sign of the Holy Cross in the manner of a
bishop, left with her the gift of His eternal
benediction. The grace of this gift was so
efficacious, that Catherine, beside herself, and
transformed into Him upon whom she gazed with such
love, forgetting not only the road she was on, but
also herself, although naturally a timid child, stood
still for a space with lifted and immovable eyes in
the public road, where men and beasts were
continually passing, and would certainly have
continued to stand there as long as the vision
lasted, had she not been violently diverted by
others.
"But while the Lord was working these marvels, the
child Stephen, leaving her standing still, continued
his way down hill, thinking that she was following,
but, seeing her immovable in the distance and paying
no heed to his calls, he returned and pulled her with
his hands, saying: 'What are you doing here? why do
you not come?' Then Catherine, as if waking from a
heavy sleep, lowered her eyes and said: 'Oh, if you
had seen what I see, you would not distract me from
so sweet a vision!' and lifted her eyes again on
high; but the vision had entirely disappeared,
according to the will of Him who had granted it, and
she, not being able to endure this without pain,
began with tears to reproach herself for having
turned her eyes to earth."
Such was the "call" of St. Catherine of Siena,
and, to a mind intent on mystical significance, the
appearance of Christ, in the semblance of His Vicar,
may fitly appear to symbolize the great mission of
her after-life to the Holy See.
|